By Patricia Spallone
International in scope, this publication is a feminist reaction to the hot reproductive applied sciences and the genetic engineering getting used on women--test-tube fertilization, surrogacy, embryo flushing, intercourse preselection, and synthetic hormones. it's interested by what those approaches suggest for ladies and with the responsibility of the scientific scientists who've created the know-how. Spallone argues that the result's the subordination of ladies to the pursuits of scientific scientists, inhabitants planners, the family members, and the burgeoning biotechnology undefined. The publication might be of compelling curiosity to we all who're looking a technological know-how and expertise that respects the honour of girls and of all existence on our planet.
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Additional resources for Beyond Conception: The New Politics of Reproduction
Boler, Jr. and Norbert Gleicher, subscribe to the treatment of the fetus as a 'second patient once viability is achieved'. They take that to be twenty-four weeks, since, they explain, in the United States the fetus is recognised as having legal rights from twenty-four weeks gestational age. Boler and Gleicher project the obstetrician's role as protector of the fetus against the passive or actively 'hostile' behaviour of the mother; and articulate the roots of their role in available technology: Thus, a conflict between fetal and maternal rights may arise that requires intervention by the treating physician and has in some instances reached the courts .
Techniques offetal monitoring ... intrauterine fetal transfusions, intravenous administration of tocolytic agents and Caesarean section delivery represent only a few examples of medical intervention in response to fetal indications that potentially may place the mother at risk. In most cases, the mother is willing to accept the added risks of morbidity and mortality in the interest of her unborn infant. However, when the mother is unwilling to accept such risks and refuses treatment, a precarious medicolegal situation arises.
The bill did not pass. , 1985). The report recommends that the Abortion Act 1967 be amended by changing the upper time limit from twenty-eight weeks to twenty-four weeks due to advances in neonatal technology. Now this is interesting in light of the 1979 letter from Peel which called for a twenty-week upper limit due to advances in technology. Why was technology so advanced in 1979 to warrant a twenty-week upper limit, while in 1985 a twenty-four-week upper limit was considered sufficient? The report (p.